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The collateral punishments moved in the direction of depriving Fra Pietro of his own past and future voice, both written and spoken. Apart from that created by the Inquisition, no other voices of the defendant were to survive or be produced in the near future, neither written nor spoken. In this perspective, both the venue and the public should if possible be the same as that of the original event. Sometimes the venue was a larger place in the same town in order to convene not only the previous audience but also other people.

So in what was effectively the same place and with the same voice, the preacher had to tackle the same questions, but express the opposite concepts. Only a limited typology of abjurations is considered here: public abjurations of preachers for assertions pronounced during their sermons, which took place in the same venue where the sermons had previously been delivered. Not all the abjurations were made in public, but only those de formali and de vehementi. The latter, the abjuration de vehementi , was issued when the accused was seriously suspected of heresy. The majority of the abjurations were made in private in the presence of the inquisitor or the bishop: the abjuration de levi when only a slight suspicion of heresy existed and the private abjuration made before the trial.

On the definition of the different levels of suspicion in inquisitorial manuals, see Wickersham, Rituals of Prosecution, — In general, the inquisitors tended to opt for a lighter punishment and a private abjuration when the defendant presented himself spontaneously to the Holy Office sponte comparens. On the contrary, they were more inclined to opt for a public abjuration when the heresy of the accused was publicly known.

Understandably, the insult to the Church had to be wiped out before those who had knowledge of it, but it was always better not to publicize it if it had remained secret. A public abjuration responded to different kinds of needs on the part of the Inquisition. First, it affirmed the power of the authority over the dissenter who had dared to challenge it. It was also a public humiliation aimed at annihilating the dissident's dignity and in so doing deterring possible imitators.

Moreover, the issue at stake was not only the condemnation of the man, but also the condemnation of one or more of his ideas. In this perspective, the public abjuration was a reaffirmation before the public of what was right and wrong in terms of doctrine. In this light, it is not strange that the abjuration could not only contain a generic repudiation of heresy: it had to mention each single doctrinal issue in which the abjurer had previously erred.

A public abjuration was characterized by a complex ritual governed by its own rules. It was also a public performance and, as such, needed an audience which had to be as numerous as possible. It is not surprising that inquisitorial manuals used to stress that public abjurations should take place on Sundays or feast days in order to have the largest possible audience. It should be kept in mind that the manuals were written after the trials mentioned here, and that they are not always uniform, since they reflect the mentality of their authors and the chronological and geographical contexts in which they were produced.

See Tedeschi, The Prosecution of Heresy, 51—7. All the other planned sermons in town had to be cancelled to facilitate attendance. Since words were the protagonists of the show, in this case the religious authority really did want the people to understand what the accused said. This should not be taken for granted, since this was an age in which the entire Catholic liturgy was recited in Latin, and even the Bible in the vernacular was prohibited.

La censura ecclesiastica e i volgarizzamenti della Scrittura — Bologna: Il Mulino, ; ead. However, the great majority of the faithful were illiterate and completely unable to comprehend Latin.

[Audio Bibbia in italiano] ✥ 5. Atti degli Apostoli ✥

In this context, one might think that the Inquisition would be satisfied by the visual effect caused by the public humiliation of a man dressed in the penitential garment abitello , but this is not the case. The abjuration de vehementi did not include the penitential garment.

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See Masini, Sacro arsenale, Unlike the pillory, which was traditionally silent, the abjuration ceremony was based on the offender's words, and the audience had to both hear and understand them. Every inquisitorial manual tirelessly repeats that the abjuration had to be pronounced in the vernacular so that everybody could understand it.

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  • The great attention to orality is further demonstrated by other prescriptions: the language should be well known to the audience, 41 Bordoni, Sacrum tribunal, The attention to orality, however, does not mean that the writing dimension was neglected: a written version of the abjuration should be produced, signed if not written by the abjurer and kept.

    Cosa succede poi quando ci si ritrova soli? MM: Per fortuna che a un certo punto ci si ritrova soli! Stare sempre tutti insieme, roba da impazzire. Ho sempre amato quelle notti, in cui si fa spazio alla creazione, alla preghiera che sono la stessa cosa: sono entrambe domande, interrogazioni sul mistero in cui siamo immersi. A quel tumulto?

    Per fortuna che la vita ci fa percorrere questo pendolo. E i corpi femminili o maschili ai nostri piedi. Ermanna invece mi ha proposto Majakovskij, e non un suo testo teatrale, come si usa normalmente nella non-scuola , mi ha proposto di lavorare sulle liriche del giovane Majakovskij, rivoluzionario prima della rivoluzione. In che senso parli di salvezza DAL mondo? Parlando di noi, ti riferisci forse agli adulti? MM: Bella domanda. Mi riferisco a quel meccanismo diabolico che costringe tanti adulti a perdere la loro bellezza: e non sto parlando di questioni da palestra e chirurgia estetica.

    Quel meccanismo che ingrigisce i cuori e spegne i cervelli. Quello staccare la spina.

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    Ecco che si trovano le cose da fare, eccome se si trovano, le ingiustizie da risanare come le belle azioni da compiere. E allora faccio fatica a riassumere in poche righe. Per il racconto dettagliato rimando tutti i lettori di SuccoAcido a una rivista che con SuccoAcido ha grande sintonia, intendo doppio zero. In Siamo asini o pedanti?

    Ti capita ancora di avere gli occhi lucidi? Ma mi capita ancora di commuovermi al cinema, ma anche guardando la televisione, anche guardando filmetti da poco, che potrei anche vergognarmi a dirti quali. Come un idiota. Come un povero asinello. Copyright in Italy and abroad is held by the publisher Edizioni De Dieux or by freelance contributors. Edizioni De Dieux does not necessarily share the views expressed from respective contributors. Succoacido is a multilanguage, international magazine and a community connecting individuals and groups from different countries who share an active interest in visual arts, cinema, comics, music, theatre, literature and new media.

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    Send it to a friend. Chance to win daily prizes. The model of reference is the auto-sustainability and self-regeneration of local life, as far as possible for a general introduction see Mies and Benholdt-Thomsen, In a subsistence system, each local collectivity bases its material reproduction on diversified withdrawals of environmental assets available in the territory of community relevance.

    In each local community, tendencies to competitive and individualistic behaviours have to be reconciled with the irreducible need to cooperate, simultaneously for survival and for self-centred forms of buen vivir Spanish expression; Italian: ben vivere, buona vita; for an actual example: Gesualdi, As a general rule, models of collective responsibility in proximity of resource management took on the function of regulating the impulse toward private gain2.

    For case studies on micro- regional levels see: Italian Association of Geography Teachers. These social and political ensembles of nation-state contexts reached full maturity during the 19 th century.

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    Throughout history, the latter have led to huge technical and economic rescaling processes first at domestic level but also, increasingly, at international and transnational levels. All organisational patterns of production, distribution, consumption and disposal of material goods and all collective knowledge needed to perform human life on the planet, have been re-moulded and restructured in function of these overall processes 3.

    New approaches to production and the exchange of goods and the associated forms of social organization gave rise to legal reforms opposed to the economic self-sufficiency of rural communities and to multiple, polycentric and independent forms of town-country relationships. Especially in agriculture, various sequences of commodification waves and related changes in cash-crop regimes were made possible by, among other causes, dramatic increases in productivity, achieved by farming systems subjected to corporate profit maximization.

    These new models have altogether disrupted local relations of interdependence between men, soil, plants and Jelen, ; Parascandolo, For a community level example: Parascandolo, The territorial disempowerment of local societies goes along with their integration into conditions of dependence and subordination in economic production mechanisms. The latter are embedded in strategic domestic or transnational trade exchange systems, guided by market economy forces and supported by central governments and multilateral organizations4.

    In the long run, the result of these disruptions was the uprooting of self-regulated systems of subsistence. Shared practices of subsistence in regional and micro-regional human societies have been dismantled. This is why in Europe we find ourselves today in a 4. For an integrated social, economic and political historical perspective, all the quoted processes can be referred to the concept of world-economy see Wallerstein, , For reading specifically on the global evolution of agro-food regimes, see McMichael, The artisan, perhaps, should be added to this short but significant list.

    In an era of processed food hegemony McMichael, , they are located elsewhere in the world, following dispersed, fragmented and gain-oriented tangles of value chains and supply chains. Of course I do not mean to deny the existence of interesting cases of short chains of essential goods supplies, ever more present in Western Europe. This has happened because the whole world has been unified and standardized by a global system of industrial enterprises and wide range trades conjoined with to the individualistic property order5.

    Figure 2. Italian contemporary territories 1. Regional scale: megalopolitan and monocoltural landscape in lowland Northern Italy, province of Bergamo. Photo: F.

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